Is the term subculture useful as means for analysing the young people in Australia Culture †Cultural Studies Essay

Is the term subculture useful as means for analysing the young people in Australia Culture – Cultural Studies Essay Free Online Research Papers Is the term subculture useful as means for analysing the young people in Australian Culture Cultural Studies Essay They dress like their going to the gym. They have undercuts and spiky hair. They have a few tattoos, hidden from their parents view. They listen to RB and rap. They hang out in garages, playing cards, swearing and smoking pot. Their ideology of masculinity is a man that wont take ‘no’ for an answer, has control over his ‘Mrs.’s’ and can stand up for himself. They speak with slang derived from the African American slang, with a few Arabic words here and there. They drive fast, done up cars with controversial personalized number plates. Females are not welcome in this gathering nor are adults. Who are they? They are the Lebanese youth. Their offshoot, ‘hanging out’, is the symbolic axis and working social hub. This subculture is heavily reliant on being ‘in the know’- on being cool, calm and dangerous. If one were to describe the social culture of this group, it would have to be ‘coolness’. But what is this cultural value? How is it embodied? How is it displayed? Why it is so important to the Lebanese youth? What are its social uses, its demographics, its biases and discriminations? They belong to a unitary culture. They maintain the same dress codes, dance styles, music genres and catalogue of authorized and illicit rituals. They are a subculture from an ethnic culture. They generally congregate on the basis of shared ethnicity and ideology, their consumption of the same media and, most importantly, their preference for youth of the same ethnicity to themselves. Taking part in this subculture builds affinities, socialising participants into knowledge of the likes and dislikes, meanings and values of the culture. This community will last for several years until these boys decide to settle down through primarily marriage. This subculture will then melt into the ‘mainstream’. The opposition of the ‘mainstream’ is undoubtedly how many constituents of youth subcultures charecterise their own behavior. However we can’t take youthful discourses literally; they are not a transparent window on the world. This is a constant mistake that has been made by cultural studies. They have been inadequately critical of subcultural ideologies, first, because they were preoccupied by the task of perforating and challenging prevailing ideologies and, second, because they were biased and tended to correspond with the subcultural discourses of the youth cultures they study. Academics have acclaimed subcultures, while youth have celebrated the ‘underground’. Where young people have condemned the ‘commercial’, scholars have criticised ‘hegemony’; where one has grieved over ‘selling out’, the other has conceived ‘incorporation’. Youth visualize their own and other social groups through subcultural ideologies, they declare their idiosyncratic nature and assert that they are not nameless affiliates of an undistinguished heap. The cultural theorists are not giving non-biased explanations of the way things really are, but incorporate ideologies that fulfill their specific cultural agenda. One should therefore not simply delve into the way of life of a cluster community, but consider the way they make ‘meaning the service of power’. The distinctions made by the Lebanese youth are not simply affirmations of equal difference; they entail a strong claim to authority and presume the inferiority of others. They are challenge the weight of, namely the police and laws established by the government and see other subcultural ethnic groups as inferior to them. Within this subculture, elevated levels of income and property do not associate with high levels of cultural capital, as the two often conflict. Comments about the ‘nouveau riche’ reveal the likely frictions between those affluent in cultural capital but fairly poor in economic capital (like those Lebanese youth that are academics) and those rich in economic capital but less affluent in cultural capital (like professional football players). Therefore, the third category-social capital-that stems not from what you know or what you have, but from who know, can be attributed foremostly to the subculture of the Lebanese youth. Connections in the form of friends, relations, associations and acquaintances can all bestow status. ‘Tell the boys that you know so and so and watch them worship you’. The ‘second nature’ of their knowledge is a quality that members of this subculture must possess. Nothing diminishes capital more than the spectacle of someone trying to hard. For example, a subdued and pale looking Anglo Saxon male attempting to act, dress and associate himself with the subculture of the Lebanese youth. K. Gelder and S. Thornton argue that ‘the difference between being in or out of fashion, high or low in subcultural capital, correlates in complex ways with degrees of media coverage, creation and exposure’. In regards to the aforementioned subculture, commercial news and the content of their broadcasting are discussed often amongst each other. They are in passionate resistance to the negative portrayal of their subculture. It can be argued therefore that due to the fact that their subculture is used as the ‘topic of the day’ so readily, that this actually encourages them to become increasingly rebellious against the ‘mainstream’ and forms of authority. The convertibility of cultural capital into economic capital is what ultimately defines cultural capital. Whilst subcultural capital may not convert into economic capital, in being a market niche, with the same ease or financial reward as cultural capital, a variety of occupations or increased capital for existing occupations can be gained as a result of ‘coolness’. American clothes designers, especially sportswear designers, such as Nike and Adidas, American artists of hip-hop, rap and RB and sad to say drug dealers all make a living from their subcultural capital. Subcultural capital is not as class-bond as cultural capital, even though it converts into economic capital. Class does not correlate in any uninterrupted way with levels of youthful subcultural capital. For instance, it would not be uncommon for a Lebanese boy that was raised in an area that was densely populated with Lebanese households, like Bankstown, to remain dressing, acting and speaking in the same way if he was to move to an area that was densely populated with Anglo-Saxons and of a class. Gender, after age, is the social difference along which subcultural capital is aligned most analytically to. Generally, the girls associated with this subculture invest more of their time and identity in doing well at school. The boys, in contrast, spend more time and money on going out, listening to music and ‘hanging out with the boys’. The ‘refusal of complicity’ might be said to categorise the majority of Lebanese youth. These youth are not as anchored in their social place as those younger and older than themselves as they are not settled with a partner nor have they integrated into ‘Australian culture’. By investing in this act of leisure, Lebanese youth further reject being fixed socially. They can postpone ‘social aging’ or that ‘slow renunciation or disinvestment’ which leads people to regulate their goals to their purposes, to support their state, become what they are and make do with what they have. Acting as a barrier against social aging may be one of the reasons as to why it is so attractive to people well beyond their youth. Lebanese youth can be seen as temporarily taking pleasure in the taste of independence. Freedom from necessity, therefore, does not mean that youth have wealth so much that they are exempt from adult commitments to the accumulation of economic capital. They simply reveal a methodical dedication, which allows practises that are discouraged by the mainstream. The term ‘subculture’ is therefore useful as a means for analysing the position and experiences of the Lebanese youth of Australia. Subcultural capital is the key player of a substitute chain of command in which the affiliation of age, gender, sexuality and race are operational in order to keep the resolves of class, income and occupation aside. Subcultural capital discloses itself most clearly by what it dislikes and by what it definitely isn’t. The vast majority of Lebanese youth distinguish themselves against the mainstream that, to some degree, can be seen to stand in for the masses- this distance is a measure of their cultural worth. Subcultural ideology unconditionally gives alternative interpretations and values to young peoples, particularly young men’s. It reinterprets the social world. The Lebanese youth jockey for social power through these popular distinctions; they are favouritisms by which members are both given social statuses and endeavour f or a meaning of self-worth. This perspective foresees popular culture as a multi-dimensional social space rather than as a flat culture or as simply the end of the social ladder. The Lebanese youth should therefore not be categorised through their cultural differences as being ‘resistances’ to hierarchy or to the isolated cultural supremacy of some ruling body. They should be looked at as the microstructures of power entailed in the cultural competition that goes on between more closely associated social groups. References K.Gelder and S.Thornton, Subcultures Reader, London; New York Rutledge, 1997. The Macquarie Dictionary New Budget Edition Macquarie University, NSW, Australia, 1996. www.acys.utas.edu.au/ncys/topics/culture.htm 21k www.research.deakin.edu.au/performance/pubs/ reports/cd/1997/pubs/1995/socinq.htm 34k www.usyd.edu.au/su/geography/sinfo/p-g/07.htm 10k www.mcgraw-hill.com.au/mhhe/marktng/hawkins/bkinfo.htm 12k Research Papers on Is the term "subculture" useful as means for analysing the young people in Australia Culture - Cultural Studies EssayHip-Hop is ArtAnalysis Of A Cosmetics AdvertisementAssess the importance of Nationalism 1815-1850 EuropeThe Relationship Between Delinquency and Drug UseEffects of Television Violence on Children19 Century Society: A Deeply Divided EraRelationship between Media Coverage and Social andInfluences of Socio-Economic Status of Married MalesCanaanite Influence on the Early Israelite ReligionWhere Wild and West Meet

Real Estate Development Coursework Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2750 words - 1

Real Estate Development - Coursework Example Financing bodies in the central Manhattan promotes real estate development because they provide support to the investors. It is an expensive endeavor to pursue that discourages many investors and developers. However, financial assistance from organizations such as Meridian Capital Group and Hiro Real Estate enables people to invest in the industry. The paper discusses factors that drive commercial property development in Central Manhattan for the last six years. It also explains how bids play a significant role in acquiring and developing commercial buildings in the area. Capital is an important factor in real estate development because it supports various activities. It is difficult to succeed in the real estate business without adequate finance. Inadequate capital keeps many people away from the business because they cannot finance different operations effectively. High demand for land in many areas increases its prices, which hinder many people from affording it. This shows the need to obtain financial support in order to acquire land develop a real estate. An essential factor drives the development of commercial property in central Manhattan. Interested parties can obtain loans and mortgages from financial institutions such as banks in order to invest in real estate (Blosfield, 2015, p. 1). Land prices in the city are very high because of high demand, which makes it difficult to invest in the business. However, financial support such as mortgages and loans encourage many people to develop the property, which is a long-term investment. Financing bodies such as Morgan Stanley Mortgage Capital Holdings, Meridian Capital Group, Hiro Real Estate, and Eastdil Secured provide support to people (Kalinoski, 2014, p. 1). They encourage the public to invest heavily in the business because they give financial assistance to aid in implementing their projects. The business has fewer risks, which encourage them to seek financial support because they can repay the

Is the English Law on Ancillary Relief Defective Essay

Is the English Law on Ancillary Relief Defective - Essay Example In cases of divorce, nullity of marriage, judicial separation and presumption of death and dissolution of marriage in England and Wales, a party to the dissolved marriage may claim for pecuniary award for the determination of issues regarding consequential monetary matter. This court proceeding is formally called Ancillary Relief. It is that part of the course of action which determines the financial concern as between the parties to the marriage. In reality, once the husband and wife decide to annul their marriage, they usually see eye to eye and make up their minds to go through the process of divorce, taking into consideration the fact that they have earnestly thought about it over and over, including its consequences. Eventually, after the couple has finally decided to accept that their marriage is really over, they commence the discussion on issues regarding the children (if there be any) and the separation of their property. More often than not, the couple sorts out by agreement these aforesaid issues. Generally, for cases of divorce between spouses, where the applicant is a resident or domiciled in England, the English Courts have the jurisdiction to conclude and determine whether the granting of a decree of divorce is warranted under given circumstances. The process of ancillary relief is included in this procedure wherein the English Courts are given a wide range of discretion to decide the amount of relief to be awarded for the benefit of one of the spouses and/or their children. Considering the fact that jurisdiction is vested on the English Courts if the applicant is a resident or is domiciled in this country, it follows then that a foreign spouse who is domiciled and resident abroad may be granted a financial relief. But this is not to say that the rule on this situation is limitless. There are some cases where the courts have declined to issue orders of relief to those foreign spouses on the ground that the courts believed that it would be utterly ineffective to do so. One relevant case is the early case of Tallack v. Tallack [1927], where the court found that one respondent had no substantive link or effective connection with England, and the courts of the country where he is domiciled and resident would have rejected the execution of the English order, the English court refused to make an order of ancillary relief. The all-embracing and extensive scope of use by the English courts' legally sanctioned authority to decide between a variety of outcomes in determining the financial award for ancillary relief has the underlying moral basis of trying to preserve for each party their financial status as it would have been, had the marriage continued to subsist. [Sherwood v. Sherwood (1928)] On the other hand, ancillary relief of the English law is often criticized and condemned for being flawed by some jurists overseas. They claim that "it is inappropriate to the modern concept of matrimony as a partnership since it is 'a law of separation of assets' and that it is illogical in a marriage partnership in which in theory there should be 'community of property' unless there are special reasons for contracting out of such a position." In the landmark case of White v. White (2000), Lord Nicholls made a clear-cut statement that "(t)he statutory provisions lend no support to the idea that a claimant's financial needs, even interpreted generously and called

Contextualising Disability and Immigration in Britain

Contextualising Disability and Immigration in Britain 1. Contextualising disability in modern Britain is a problematic task. The principal challenge of any contextualisation is perhaps the question of whose contextualization is the most apt one. Answering this question and the position taken as a result is also arguably a critical tension within the issue of disability. This then hinges upon whether we contextualize disability from a point of view centred on society generally in modern Britain or whether we contextualize it from the viewpoint of those living with disabilities in modern Britain, (Barnes, 2006). This then highlights the issue as to whether disability is problematic for British society itself or whether it is in actuality British society is disabling itself for those it counts as living within disabilities. We can also contextualize disability in modern Britain in the very sense of its modernity by reflecting on the development of care, policy and legislation for disability, seeing it in a progressive light as a gradual deepe ning of respect and civil society values towards the disabled in Britain. Yet has the success of increased legislation towards the disabled in society gone any way towards combating the problems raised and highlighted by the disability rights movement for example. Perhaps in some ways this question can be answered positively in that legally many forms of discrimination against those living with disabilities has been placed on an equal footing with other kinds of discrimination such as that to do with race and racism. But has a legal countering of discrimination been enough to counter what many might count as socially embedded negative values and attitudes towards the disabled in modern Britain. In many instances activists within the disabled rights movement have argued that this has not occurred. This contextualisation returns us then to the issue noted above in that while legal and political measures have been taken to protect and enable disabled persons to live more active and fuller lives in particular settings socially in terms of British society questions can be asked as to how successful these attitudes have been diffused. As an illustration of this in examining the statistics of those who are disabled and working as opposed to those who are disabled and living on benefits highlights in many ways the inability of disabled persons to secure employment even where they are legally entitled to be considered on the same basis as those who are not disabled, (Kemp, 2006). Contextualising disability then is an interesting task as it centres as such on definitions, attitudes and reactions to the incidence of disability and how those with disability are treated by and perceived by British society in a wider and more general sense. Disability then when we contextualize it in this manner becomes a matter of respective perspectives on the issues that are play within the area of disability. For those then within the disability rights movement for example it is British society itself which is disabling in terms of restricting those living with disability from leading full and active lives. In terms of societal responses then the legal and political measures which have been pursued can be seen as responses to these criticisms. Yet the effectiveness of these can continually be questioned in terms of their impact. Similarly an often occluded aspect of disability in modern British society is the emphasis legally on physical as opposed to mental disabilities. A cl aim that can also be levelled at the disability rights movement itself at times. This can be seen in the fact that much of the legislation has focused on the concerns of those living with physical disabilities to the detriment of those living with mental disabilities, (Borsay, 2005). What this points towards in terms of a contextualization of disability in modern Britain is a failure of particular perspectives to be heard at all in the face of certain perspectives seeing a sustained debate on which version is the more correct one to be used in examining the issue of disability. 2. A contextualization of immigration in modern Britain is in many critical ways a contextualization of modern Britain itself. This can be seen in a number of key ways, such as for example the historical impacts of immigration on the makeup and composition of modern Britain. It can also be located in some of the more current socially problematic issues such as the role of Britain in the European Union, terrorism and the decline of the primacy of the welfare state. These are however broad claims and as such then how does a contextualization of immigration become relevant to the themes outlined above? Perhaps the clearest way a contextualisation of immigration points to these themes is by the manner in which immigration is discursively as an issue by society. As such then it can be argued that the discourse of immigration in Foucauldian terms points towards a complexity of issues that reflects, intersects and interacts with a set of much broader discourses within British society. Not only this but importantly but in terms of this wider social discourse on immigration what is not perceived or what is not discussed has immediate relevance also for the themes mentioned above, (Block, 2006). As such immigration can be seen as a contested issue and its contextualization as such offers insights into critical debates within modern Britain. An example of this can be seen in the recent debates over the economic benefits of immigration which are made against the backdrop of the expansion of the EU. Here there has been a shift from the unrestricted access of inhabitants of the first accession countries such as Poland to living and working in Britain to one of restrictions for newer accession countries such as Romania. Similarly debates over multiculturalism in the wake of recent terrorist acts have seen immigration being contested in the sense of how well do newer immigrants, and in particular Muslim immigrants integrate into British society. Likewise a final aspect of the contested nature of immigration is their partaking of the use of various public services in Britain. Arguments are made that immigration causes strains on public services such as the NHS, housing, education a nd other aspects of the welfare state, (Dustmann, 2005). Each of these issues are importantly social and political discourses themselves also. A contextualisation of immigration then needs to consider whether immigration is a feature of these discourses or whether they are a feature of immigration itself. Arguably the most suitable approach is to see a contextualisation of immigration as a mix between both of the extremes outlined above to see it as a contested discourse. Dissecting these contestations of immigration then is arguably the principal method to contextualizing immigration in modern Britain. It is an issue as such that is a mirror and a lens reflecting and providing insights into what are major transformational debates in modern Britain. Indeed the greater immigration is perceived or is in actuality occurring then the greater these debates are played out in the media, political circles and within national and local settings, (Cohen, 2001). There is a need then to situate immigration discursively within a framework which recognizes the multiplicity of discourses which are at play or are extolled in relation to the issue of immigration. It is a discourse containing many images and symbols about particular aspects of modern British society which are seen as problematic. Conte xtualising immigration then as a result necessitates a contextualisation of many disparate aspects of British society. References Barnes, C. (2006) Independent Futures: Creating User-Led Disability Services in a Disabling Society, Bristol, Policy Block, D. (2006) Multilingual Identities in a Global City: London Stories, Basingstoke, Macmillan Borsay, A. (2005) Disability and Social Policy in Britain since 1750: A History of Exclusion, Basingstoke, Macmillan Cohen, S. (2001) Immigration Controls, The Family and the Welfare State, London, Jessica Kingsley Publishers Dustmann, C. (2005) Immigration, Jobs and Wages: Theory, Evidence and Opinion, London, Center for Economic Policy Research Kemp, P. A. (2006) Sick Societies? , Geneva, International Social Security Association

Social Deviance in Bartleby the Scrivener Essay -- Bartleby Scrivener

Social Deviance in Bartleby the Scrivener Bartleby the Scrivener is a story that takes place on Wall Street, peopled by workers of a common mold. Being a non-conformatist of the most extreme type, Bartleby is eventually suffers a death of attrition. The message that Melville intends for the reader is how society has little tolerance for social deviance. I mentioned a common mold, the engine which impelled the "society" of Wall Street to keep on existing. This common mold consists of working a full day, going home and relax, possibly drinking some beer or whatnot. This is where the theme of ostracization of social deviance comes into play, expressed in the metaphor of individual versus society. Those who do not fit into the common mold are pressured to change or are removed forcibly. Bartleby is an example of a character that doesnÍt fit anywhere even near the mold...

Belonging: An Individual’s Interaction with Others

Social interaction is an essential part of any relationship; it is the determining factor for one’s perceptions of the society around them and their own identity. Relationships are initially built upon mutual interests and acceptance and this is closely linked with one’s innate desire to be able to affiliate with a group or another individual. Both these ideas are explored in the ‘Namesake’ by Jhumpa Lahiri and the picture book: ‘The Lost Thing’ by Shaun Tan. Lahiri explores the importance of shared values and experiences in a relationship for it to prosper rather than the need for social interaction. This notion is shown through the relationship Ashoke and Ashima forge throughout their life. Despite having an arranged marriage, without having known each other beforehand, Ashoke and Ashima form a powerful emotional bond during their married life. Throughout the book, the interaction between Ashima and Ashoke is somewhat limited in speech but their bond is shown through emotive passages instead. An example of this is when Ashima tries on Ashoke’s shoes; this action is a symbolic harbinger of how well they both ‘fit’ together over the years. Furthermore, the quote: â€Å"Eight thousand miles away in Cambridge she has come to know him† illustrates how the challenges of being migrants together and the mutual experiences in America and in India serve to strengthen their conjugal ties. Their relationship, hence, is an intuitive one instead of one where verbal communication is needed. The ostracism experienced by one unable to interact with others is shown in ‘The Lost Thing’ by Shaun Tan. The lost thing is an anomalous creature in a bureaucratic society searching for a place to fit in. However wherever it goes, it is met with an apathetic attitude from the citizens. The citizens of this society are so innately obsessed with practical outcomes that they have lost all sense of creativity and even conversation for the sake of conversation. Tan illustrates the austerity of this world by depicting it with rigid angles and an overall sepia tone. However one boy forms a relationship with the lost thing out of pity and tries to find its home. The boy provides food, shelter and care to the lost thing and these simple actions fuel their temporary feelings of belonging. Their relationship is encouraged by the need to fulfill an action; in this case-finding the lost thing its home. The brevity of their relationship is highlighted by the abrupt separation of the two: â€Å"It seemed as good a time as any to say goodbye to each other. So we did. † The objective language and the truncated sentence demonstrate the brief and conditional nature of their bond. Once the condition was fulfilled, the need to belong was abated. This shows the necessity of interaction in creating a sense of belonging; had the citizens of the society acknowledged the presence of the lost thing, the lost thing may have remained there. Lahiri also goes on to demonstrate how social interaction can lead to one’s compromise of their identity. Gogol is a prime example of this; as a child of migrants, Gogol is confronted by two different cultures and feels he must be one or the other. As Gogol’s relationship with Maxine develops, we see him conform to Maxine’s standards, hiding his Bengali identity: â€Å"She is surprised to hear certain things about his life: that all his parents’ friends are Bengali, that they had had an arranged marriage, that his mother cooks Indian food every day, that she wears saris and a bindi. .. ’But you’re so different; i never would have thought that’. He is not insulted, but he is aware a line has been drawn all the same†. To be a part of Maxine’s life, Gogol realises that he has to live her way of life; the American way. This compromise of identity led to even more confusion on Gogol’s behalf and in the end, as he starts to embrace his heritage, he rejects Maxine and her life. This shows how one’s perceptions of identity are crucial in determining and maintaining relationships with others. The need for conformity in the society of ‘The Lost Thing’ in order to gain acceptance is shown by Shaun Tan. As the boy takes the lost thing around town, it is taken to the boy’s home. There, it takes up a huge amount of space and is impossible to ignore, however the parents of the boy do not even glance at it. Another instance where this lack of acknowledgement is shown is when the lost thing stands in line of banal, grey citizens. The lost thing clearly stands out as it is big, red and round, but no one notices it. Tan uses this confining imagery as a way to effectively convey the segregation between society and the lost thing. The lost thing is unable to integrate itself into the society as it is both unable to conform to the dull criterion of the society and unable to gain acknowledgment of its presence. The shunned lost thing finds no admission into this society where the citizens do not dare stray from their quotidian routine for fear of exclusion. There is a place in this society that odds things are taken o: â€Å"The Federal Department of Odds and Ends† with the motto â€Å"sweepus underum carpatae†. At the end of the book, the lost thing does not find its home but it does find a place where its individuality is accepted. The boy even goes as far as saying â€Å"I mean, I can’t say that the thing actually belonged in the place where it ended up. In fact, none of the things there really belonged. They all seemed happy enough though, so maybe that didn’t matter . † Consequently, what is shown here is that social interaction is needed, no matter what form of interaction, to gain a feeling of acceptance. Ultimately, social interaction is inherent in all aspects of belonging. It is the basis of all relationships and also a factor for one’s self perception of identity. This complex process is vital for one’s mental and physical health as it challenges the barriers in place that one automatically establishes in a new setting. The ‘Namesake’ by Jhumpa Lahiri and ‘The Lost Thing’ by Shaun Tan explore the ways in which social interaction can affect relationships and identity which in turn affect one’s perceptions of belonging.

The Profession Of Social Work - 1761 Words

When defining social work, the phrase â€Å"a helping profession† is used quite frequently. The profession is often misconstrued with promoting the distribution of welfare. Often times, this stereotype amuses me because social work is remarkably so much more. Not only do people fail to realize that social work is one of the broadest occupations that offers various work environments, but also they neglect one of the key goals besides the act of helping: empowerment. Yes, the profession of social work strives to provide the needy with physical resources to better improve their lives through numerous institutional and residual programs, yet the most valuable assets a worker can offer are abstract. Social workers are also supposed to educate people by giving them the skills to sustain themselves in society long after they have received their services. By empowering and teaching, social workers uplift and provide opportunity to those who are striving for more. 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